This piece first appeared in Asia Times. I wish to acknowledge the contributions of Professor Norman Matloff of UC Davis. In the '90s a group of us decided to pool our energy to debunk Wu, and Norman was the one to set up and maintain the website as repository of articles and op-ed pieces written about Wu that shed light on the dark side of this individual. This website has been a real blessing for me as I was preparing to write this concluding chapter of Wu's life.
Have you ever wondered what it's like to enjoy a long pee on someone's tombstone? Well, writing this piece comes close to that feeling.
When Harry Wu unexpectedly
died while on vacation in Honduras, House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi gave him
quite a tribute. She said, “With his passing, the world has lost a global
champion for freedom and democracy.” Well ahem, in light of more recent
disclosures, may be not.
Recent reports, first in Foreign Policy (May 25)
then in New York Times (August 14),
described a morally corrupt person, not a knight in shining armor. Wu was
accused of having absconded millions that did not belong to him and was to face
charges of sexual misconduct in court. The heading from Foreign Policy said it
all: “In death, a darker tale of extortion and sexual misconduct threatens to
tarnish his legacy.”
These posthumous disclosures
hardly surprised those of us in the Chinese American community that had been
following his career. We always knew him to be a charlatan and a scoundrel.
But give Harry Wu credit for
being a trailblazer. He discovered that he could make a nice living by saying
nasty things about China. Sometimes his statements were believable because they
were based on facts skillfully doctored or exaggerated. Other times, he simply
made them up as he went; the more lurid he made it, the more compelling he
became. The western media could not get enough of his stuff and members of
Congress were the most ardent members of his fan club.
From a middling salary of a
non-profit, Wu came into his financial windfall in 2007 when families of two
Chinese plaintiffs sued Yahoo for illegally providing information to the
Beijing authorities that led to their arrest and imprisonment. (Illegal that is
from a US perspective.) At the House Foreign Affairs Committee public hearing,
then chairman Tom Lantos castigated Yahoo as a bunch of moral pygmies. Wu was
invited to the hearing as an interpreter for the plaintiffs.
The cowed company agreed to give
$3.2 million to each of the two plaintiffs and $17.3 million to a human rights
fund as aid for future Chinese dissidents. The fund was to be administered by
Harry Wu and his Laogai Research Foundation. That was a big, big mistake.
Yahoo’s donation became Wu’s personal fortune
The plaintiffs had to sue Wu
later in order to get some of that $3.2 million awarded to them. Other
dissidents never did see any of the $17 million. Instead the tax returns for
LRF showed revenues of $325k in 2006, which jumped to more than $18 million in
2007.
In 2008, Wu bought a building
in Washington DC for slightly under $3 million to house his museum. In the
museum were prominent displays of photos of Wu with the who’s who of the world including
Margaret Thatcher of UK and Bill Clinton and China bashing members of Congress
such as Nancy Pelosi, Chris Smith and Frank Wolf.
Wu was supposed to disburse
$1 million per year as aid to dissidents but according to Morton Sklar,
attorney for the plaintiffs, Wu never did. Sklar said to New York Times, “But
Harry Wu saw the money as his own personal fund, to benefit his own activities.”
Jeff Fiedler, who helped Wu
formed the LRF in 1992 and should know Wu better than anyone, left the board in
2011. He said, “Harry was uncooperative and saw the money as his alone. He
became extremely unreasonable.”
Wu died while vacationing in
Honduras and cause of death has not been publicly disclosed. Perhaps he would
still be alive today if he did not come into all that “discretionary” funds for
exotic vacations. Rather than speculating on what might have been, I have been
following his career and would like to discuss the person that he became. How
he lived his life can serve as a cautionary tale.
First an important
disclaimer: I cannot vouch for the accuracy of anything I say about Wu that are
drawn from his public utterances. The reason is because consistency in his
public statements was never his strong suit. I stand behind everything else in
this piece.
How did Wu ended up in China’s prison?
Just the explanation of how
Wu ended up in China’s labor camp would be reflective of his carelessness with
facts. At different occasions, Wu gave different answers. Sometimes he said he
was persecuted because his father was a banker and therefore Wu had the wrong
family background. But then he was asked why the government would allowed him
to graduate from college in 1959 and did not send him to labor reform during
the height of the anti-rightest movement between 1957 to 1959?
Oh then, may be it was
because he voiced criticism of the Soviet suppression of the Hungarian revolt.
But that timing did not work either since the failed revolt also took place in
1956.
Another version which Wu had
sneeringly referred to as the official Beijing line was that after graduation,
Wu was assigned to a government job that would make use of his training in
geology. He was caught taking money from a co-worker’s purse and that was how he
made his first visit to China’s prison.
According to his own
autobiography, Wu was in various prison camps from 1960 to 1979. If so, Wu
would have been among the first batch to be released and allowed to return to
civilian life as Deng Xiaoping returned to power and China began its reform.
In 1985, Wu came to the U.S.
He claimed to have accepted an invitation to UC Berkeley as a visiting scholar;
it was a curious invitation that came without any stipend. He frequently made
proud reference to the fact that he came to America with just $40 in his
pocket. I could not find anyone at Berkeley that would admit to having invited
Wu.
As an alternate explanation, Wu
had a sister living in San Francisco and it was possible that she sponsored his
immigrating to the US. Less glamorous than being a visiting scholar but it
would explain why Wu was allowed to remain in the America as a permanent
resident. He and his sister hadn’t seen each other for 30 years and quickly
found that they couldn’t stand each other’s company. He soon left her home and
found work at a donut shop in Oakland.
Wu discovered his calling
Somehow the next year Wu was
invited to speak about his prison experiences in China before a group of students
at UC Santa Cruz. He gave an emotionally charged presentation that impressed
the audience and thus Wu unwittingly found his life long calling. No more
making donuts, he could just talk about his experiences in China’s prison
system.
Ramon Myers, curator of East
Asian Studies at Hoover Institution on Stanford heard about Wu and met with
him. Myers wanted to know more about China’s prison system and gave Wu a small
research grant to pursue a study. More importantly, Myers gave Wu access to the
archives at Hoover. Long after the research grant had petered out, Wu continued
to brandish his affiliation as a Hoover Research Fellow, a business card and
title that conveyed priceless legitimacy on to Wu.
Then in 1991, Wu met Jeff
Fiedler who was at the time secretary-treasurer of AFL-CIO Food and Allied
Services Trade Department. I was not there but I would guess that it was mutual
admiration at first sight. Okay, that might be too strong a description but
each had something the other wanted.
Fiedler had a personal
mandate which was to disrupt trade with China in any way he could. His logic
was flawed but simple. Namely, low cost goods made in China took away jobs from
American labor force. Wu could provide the ammunition Fiedler needed and Wu
craved the cover of legitimacy that big organized labor could offer.
Laogai foundation founded by AFL-CIO
They founded Laogai Research
Foundation to be based in Washington DC. “Laogai” was Chinese terminology for
reform through labor and was the term used in China for a particular kind of
prison camps. “Research,” I am sure, was Wu’s contribution having learned the
bona fides that came with that word. For the early years, the so-called
Washington headquarter of the foundation consisted of an extension with an
answering machine in Fiedler’s department located in the AFL-CIO building.
To continue to burnish his
credentials, it was necessary for Wu to gather research material by making
field trips into China. His highest profile visit was to take Ed Bradley into
China for a piece on 60 Minutes
allegedly to expose prison made goods from China. He apparently did the same
with BBC.
By the time Wu was ready to
make another clandestine visit to China in 1995, he was a known and wanted
person by China’s public security. He tried to enter China’s Xinjiang by way of
Kazakhstan and was caught at the border entry. A female companion from AFL-CIO
was detained with him.
It was hard to understand why
Wu brought along a Caucasian woman at a remote border crossing if he wanted to
keep a low profile and avoid detection, but it turned out to be a stroke of
luck for him. The Chinese authorities had no reason to keep the woman in
detention and released her within days. She then told the world that Harry Wu
had been arrested.
The timing of Wu’s arrest was
also fortunate for him. The International Women’s conference was to be held in
Beijing later in the summer and first lady Hillary Clinton was to be the
keynote speaker. Washington’s position was that without Wu’s release, there
would be no first lady going to Beijing. Without that negotiation, Wu could
have been facing another 19 years in China’s prison. He had become an American
citizen a year earlier, so you could say he was three times lucky.
Wu became a world celebrity
Wu came back to the U.S. a
world famous celebrity. Going under cover to China was no longer an option nor
necessary; Wu became a popular speaker on the circuit. He appeared on the
Tonight Show with Jay Leno and was interviewed by Charlie Rose and spoke at
schools and universities and of course testified before various sub-committees
of Congress. (Anytime Congressman Chris Smith wanted to go on C-Span, he would
call Wu in for a conversation.) His remarks became increasingly lurid and
graphic and his anti-China position more extreme.
Shortly after his release
from China, Wu joined the picket line at Boeing in Seattle. He was quoted by
the local newspaper as saying, “The strike by Boeing members (of the machinist
union) is really a strike against the Chinese government; a strike the American
labor movement must win.” At the time the union accused Boeing of exporting
jobs to China because Boeing agreed to subcontract manufacturing of certain
sections of the 737 to China. (In retrospect, Boeing would not have made a
fortune in airplane sales to China without the subcontract agreement.)
He led protesters before
K-Mart stores claiming that most of the merchandise inside was made by prison
labor in China. Cheap goods from China made by prison labor became an important
high profile issue for Wu. To disrupt bilateral trade with China, Wu went
around the country claiming that practically everything made in China came from
the prisons. This was in the era before Apple introduced iPods made by Taiwanese
contractors in China, and Wu could get away with extravagant claims before a poorly
informed American public.
In 1998, James Seymour and
Richard Anderson published a scholarly study of China’s laogai penal system, “New Ghosts, Old Ghosts.” The book was
widely acclaimed for its objectivity and dispassionate analysis.
Their findings disagreed with
Wu’s wildly disparate estimates of the number of prison camps in China and the
number of prisoners. They estimated that China prison labor could not have
contributed more than one-tenth of one percent to China’s GDP. The real
difference was that theirs was a rigorous study based on accepted academic
practices; Wu would not have known what that meant.
Wu took on the World Bank
In 1996, Wu led the protest
against the World Bank for financing an irrigation project in Xinjiang. Wu
charged that the project would benefit the laogai camps in Xinjiang. He found
out that a Fan Shidong had been recently released from a Xinjiang laogai and
was living in Hong Kong.
Wu flew to Hong Kong to meet
him and offered to pay all his expenses if Fan would agree to testify before
Congress against the World Bank project. Fan refused saying that the irrigation
project would benefit the local Uighurs and had nothing to do with the prison
camps. Fan later revealed his encounter with Wu to the ethnic press after he
immigrated to the U.S.
As Wu basked in international
recognition including Nobel Peace prize nominations and spoke in the European
circuit as well as in the U.S., those that knew him intimately became
increasingly disenchanted with his actions.
By late 1996, Ramon Myers,
who made Wu a “Hoover scholar,” said to LA
Times, “We do our work in a very fair, objective way. It doesn’t help us
any when Harry Wu is affiliated with us and he’s peddling his stuff in every
parliament in the world. I regret, frankly, that he was ever at Hoover.”
Chinese American community disenchanted with Wu
On one occasion Wu visited
Columbia University to speak and receive some sort of recognition. While lining
up for some refreshments, he was delighted to meet Li Qiang, a student at
Columbia, who was originally from Shanghai. Wu said he was homesick for the
opportunity to speak in their local dialect. Li took the opportunity to point
out to Wu that contrary to his public remarks, China’s human rights conditions
had never been better in the last 50 years. Wu said, “Yes, yes but the
Americans know nothing. Let’s just talk between us.”
Even as Wu became more facile
with his English speaking ability, he missed the fellowship of speaking to
compatriots of his homeland. Ironically, the Chinese American community was
increasingly outraged by his public remarks and activities. One of his best-known
publicity stunts was to use a secretly taken video of an operating room in
China performing an open-heart surgery and claiming that the video was
documenting the process of harvesting of kidneys from prisoners.
Ignatius Ding, a leader of a
democracy in China movement in Silicon Valley, spontaneously organized in
response to the visceral TV images of June 4 in Tiananmen, was an early
supporter of Harry Wu. By the end of 1996, he offered a rueful observation to
the LA Times that Wu had no
supporters from his own ethnic Chinese community, just members of Congress.
Later I asked Ding why he made that comment. He said, “I support the cause of
helping the Chinese dissidents but I cannot condone Wu’s methodology. He pushed
the envelope way too far.”
It was not much later that Wu
sold his home in Milpitas and moved to the DC area. Thus he left the largest
community of Chinese Americans in the U.S. that shunned him to be near the
Congressional community that adored him.
After Wu’s death,
Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen from Florida who succeeded the late Tom
Lantos wrote a eulogy on Harry Wu, “After a hearing on Yahoo’s collusion with
Beijing in suppressing Internet freedom, Harry stepped in on behalf of those
who had been imprisoned and their families.” She apparently was not aware of
the charges that Harry stepped in not for anyone but his own pockets.
The tragedy of Harry Wu was
that he didn’t just soak up all the funds that could have benefitted dissident
families in financial distress; he also sucked up the oxygen from with other
dissidents. His distortions and exaggerations corrupted the very issues that
the dissidents wanted to raise against the Beijing regime. The truths that
could have stood on their own merits and let the society decide were no longer
possible as they were covered by the slime from Harry Wu.
Three birds of a feather
There are others that have
made a career out of Harry Wu school of China bashing. Two comes to my mind. Gordon
G. Chang wrote about “The Coming Collapse of China” in 2001. A decade later,
China’s economy was on verge of quadrupling, surely not a sign of collapse? Undaunted,
Chang boldly affirmed that he was merely off in his prediction and confidently
predicted that the collapse will most certainly take place in 2012.
It is now 2016 and his fellow
traveler, Peter Navarro came to Chang’s rescue. Navarro also affirmed that
Chang’s prediction was just around the corner, except he was smart enough not
to say when, thus leaving room to review the collapse question every ten years
or so. It’s no coincidence that Navarro was also the person that produced the video
tribute to Harry Wu’s life posted on the LRF website. Three birds of a feather flock
together?
Featherweight credentials
notwithstanding, their anti-China messages continue to find a willingly
receptive audience, and they will continue to be interviewed by the media and
invited to testify before Congress. And we Americans will continue to suffer
from the endless charade (and parade) of charlatans.