A shorter version appeared earlier in China-U.S. Focus. The short version also appeared on the Chinese website, Guancha.cn on November 14, 2014
When President Obama goes to
Beijing and meet President Xi, will he make history and finally make good on
the Nobel Peace Prize awarded him rather prematurely at the beginning of his
first term?
He will be in China to attend
the summit of the annual Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation. In addition, he will
also have a private meeting with China’s President Xi. This trip could be
Obama’s best chance and possibly the last chance to radically alter the bumpy
bilateral relations and leave a lasting legacy of genuine peace.
Up to now, his administration
has far from winding down violent conflicts around the world—naively
anticipated by the peace committee—but has instead presided over violence and
mayhem more intense than even during the reign of the predecessor war mongering
administration.
Today we see Ukraine confronting
its eastern secessionists supported by Russia in direct opposition of the U.S.
and Ukraine’s western allies.
The competence and
reliability of new leadership in Afghanistan and Iraq are at best dubious; the
internal stability and security is shaky to say the least; and the prospect of American
military and mercenaries being able to extricate is never bright and becoming
dimmer by the day.
ISIS didn’t even exist during
the disastrous Bush years and arguably might not come to being if the American
military incursion under Bush hadn’t broken the hornet’s nest of radical
jihadists. Nonetheless, history will credit the emergence of ISIS and its
threat to the existence of Syria and subsequent tearing asunder of the entire
Middle East to Obama’s watch.
During his watch, Israel and
Palestine have been as nasty to each other as ever and inevitably with the
hapless and out-fire powered Palestinian getting the worse of lives lost. The
prospects of peace are no more realistic than before.
Egypt and Libya should have
been bright spots where Obama could claim ownership for replacing authoritarian
regimes with democracy. Only problem is that the new governments are not
letting their people enjoy any fruits of democracy. We don’t hear much about
their being worse off only because the media’s short attention span is now
focused elsewhere.
On top of all that, a worldwide
Ebola outbreak threatens.
Despite both sides claiming a
warming of bilateral relations, the bilateral relation between China and the
U.S. has been more of one step forward and one step backward, sometimes even
two steps back. The latest example was
for the Pentagon to give a senior PLA official the red carpet treatment while
the Justice Department was very publicly indicting 5 PLA soldiers alleging
illegal cyber attack.
The current U.S. annual
defense budget plus the cost of veteran services is around $900 billion. The
Obama budget for 2015 will have to borrow $561 billion to meet revenue
shortfall and the interest on debt is expected to be $252 billion representing
6% of the annual spending. While facing the daunting task of taming the federal
budget deficit, can Obama justify adding to the nation’s financial burden with
a “pivot” to Asia designed to confront if not to contain China?
Rather than increasing
military expenditures in the Pacific to correct any perceived imbalance with
China, Obama needs to throw away the moldy script of “strategic ambiguity” left
in the White House desk by his predecessor.
Obama should understand that
petty politicians take pot shots at China for perceived profit at the polls. Of
all people, as president, he should see that it is in America’s national
interest to have a friend and not an adversary across the Pacific.
He needs a China less willing
to work with Iran and Russia and more openly willing to cooperate with the U.S.
and he can be proactive about it. He should stop pandering to those that do not
see the big picture.
All it takes is political
courage and a start from scratch with a new approach to China. The new approach
should include the following:
(1)
Stop expecting or
telling China to do what we want them to do. Respect that they have a different
point of view and a different way of getting things done. Treat them as a
prospective partner and they will become a friend. Treat them as an adversary
and they will become one.
(2)
Stop articulating
differences publicly but by all means discuss them frankly but in private.
Already in place are regularly occurring bilateral meetings between leaders and
working level officials. Use them constructively.
(3)
Recognize that
China wishes to establish its sphere of influence around its borders, and as an
act of good faith, stop surveillance flights near China. Let China work out
their bilateral relations with Japan and other Asian states without the U.S.
being the elephant in the room. Accept that China too has its own national
interest. It’s not in our interest to go out of our way to deprive China of
theirs.
(4)
Stop writing
rules of conduct unilaterally, such as proclaiming that cyber activity by the
NSA is legitimate but any from China is not. Instead both sides need to sit
down together, share best practices and agree on lines on the sand that neither
side would cross. Then invite other nations to join in the discussion. The
dispute should not be between states but between legitimate governments and the
cyber criminals.
(5)
Agree that
terrorists are terrorists. So long as the U.S. sees terrorists in China as possible
freedom fighters, there is a big problem. Agreement on the other hand would
allow the two major powers to work together in stemming the jihadist madness.
(6)
Remember that the
Cold War is over. China is not a stand-in for the former Soviet Union. Rather
than any expressions of intent to compete with the U.S. for world domination,
China has gone out of its way to stay out the U.S. way.
The above six basic planks
for developing a new bilateral relations with China represent an affirmation
that China is a economic partner, sometimes a competitor but not an adversary. Given
time for the two countries to work together, a genuine and durable partnership
could develop and the U.S. find a China more willing to pick up its share of
the tab for maintaining world peace.
Critics might consider the
proposed approach naïve. But the naiveté if it succeeds will save America from
grief and finally reap a peace dividend that Bush squandered away. When Americans
charged into Iraq expecting a liberating hero’s welcome, that naiveté cost the
U.S. dearly--last count exceeding $1 trillion and close to 40,000 casualties.
At least starting from a
position of goodwill, Obama can credibly propose to Xi on resolving the North
Korea debacle as a common problem to tackle between friends.
Both Bush and Obama had expended
a lot of energy on getting North Korea to undo their nuclear program to no
avail. When the lack of progress frustrated the U.S., they would throw up their
hands and proclaimed that only China can influence the North Koreans to behave.
In reality China has been just
as frustrated by North Korea. China’s only leverage is to sever the economic
lifeline that has been keeping North Korea from economic implosion. China can’t
afford to let North Korea collapse because the existing treaty between the U.S.
and South Korea would allow American troops to move right up to the China/North
Korea border.
If Obama were to build real
mutual trust between China and the U.S. and, in the context of building trust, pledge
to withdraw all U.S. troops from the Korean peninsula upon the reunification of
Korea, there would be a whole new ball game.
China would consider the U.S.
as a genuine working partner in the global arena. North Korea, realizing that
the prospect of American soldiers standing across the Yalu River no longer
serves as a threat to China, would have to be more amenable to negotiate for
security assurances in exchange for giving up the bomb. Over the longer term,
the north may find the reunification with the south inevitable.
South Korea should welcome a
less belligerent north and be open to reconciliation in exchange for the
cancelling the military alliance with the U.S. The treaty was established in
1953 and the South Koreans have been questioning the relevancy of the treaty since
at least 2006.
China and South Korea are
already quite comfortable with each other. They are major economic partners. Xi
and President Park of South Korea like each other, and Xi would find a united
Korean peninsula one less source of worry—so long as the Americans are no
longer there.
The U.S. would be the biggest
winner of all. Obama can claim to finally achieve a nuclear free Korean
peninsula, to have created go-forward progressive relations with China, and to deduct
the cost of stationing 30,000 troops in South Korea from the annual budget.
The
world will thank him for the legacy of at least making one part of the world
safer then he found it. He can then rightfully be a Nobel laureate.